The alarm clock squawks you awake and you reach for your asthma inhaler to
start the day. Damn, nearly empty. That’s another whack off the weekly
budget. Drugs have got so much more expensive since the 2011 free trade deal
forced changes to Pharmac’s bargain basement pricing scheme.

A quick brekkie and onto the bus to work, hooking up your MP3 player to
break the boredom. You were lucky to pick that up cheap before they banned
parallel imports, but you had to revert back to budget high street sunnies
when your D&G parallel imports broke last month.

The grocery shopping’s got trickier too. There’s more choice, but you never
know exactly what’s going into the kids’ dinner now they’ve abandoned
labelling for genetically modified food.

Still, you wouldn’t have the new job, with its hefty pay rise, if it wasn’t
for the electronics company doubling its staff after winning a huge deal to
supply the US defence force.

It might seem academic, but free trade with an economic behemoth has the
potential for real impacts on the life of the average Kiwi, and not all of
them good.

When Prime Minister Helen Clark announced in September that the P4 group of
Pacific Rim countries – Singapore, New Zealand, Chile and Brunei – would
begin negotiating a free trade agreement with the United States, it was
touted as a $1 billion bonanza for New Zealand. But negotiations mean
concessions – traditionally reductions in the taxes or tariffs countries pay
to get their exports into the country. But New Zealand has few bargaining
chips left, having steadily reduced its tariffs since the mid 1980s. So the
US will look to other areas for concessions.

Australia’s deal (AUSFTA), introduced in January 2005, is the best clue to
the fish-hooks New Zealand can expect to encounter before landing the big
one. That’s if you can make sense of the 271-page matrix of rules,
inclusions and exceptions.

AUSFTA critic and co-convenor of the Australian Fair Trade and Investment
Network Patricia Ranald believes the US free trade negotiating template is
dangerously one-sided. “It’s very difficult when you’re negotiating with
giants.”

In Australia, the most controversial issue was medicine costs. Both the
Australian Pharmaceutical Benefits Scheme and New Zealand drug-buying agency
Pharmac use reference pricing – comparing the price and effectiveness of new
medicines with the price of similar generic medicines – to keep drug prices
on average three to four times lower than those in the United States. US
negotiators tried to bin reference pricing altogether, but that was thwarted
by public outcry, Ranald says.

Vocal opposition also blunted the bite of other potentially disastrous
changes, says Dr Ken Harvey, of Victoria’s La Trobe University School of
Public Health. Moves to shed light on the public drug buying process,
coupled with a new right for drug giants to challenge those decisions,
triggered fears of endless costly reviews. In fact, says Harvey, the call
for transparency was turned back on the drug companies, increasing public
access to their previously confidential information.

But a new Medicines Working Group gives US interests a say on drug funding
policies, and changes last year could yet push up drug prices. The new
legislation, which Harvey says is a direct result of AUSFTA, splits drugs
into two funding streams, meaning new medicines are no longer compared with
cheaper generics.

“That will almost certainly result in higher prices for innovative drugs
without competition. One has to be very wary about these things. From a
public health perspective you should never make concessions on social policy
in trade deals. They are clearly used as a mechanism to try to undermine the
pricing system that both New Zealand and Australia have.”

New Zealand should expect the same battle over Pharmac, says Robert Scollay,
director of Auckland University’s research centre focussing on economic
issues in the Asia Pacific area. “Clearly the New Zealand government already
realises that’s where it will have a fight on its hands. That’s one of our
defensive issues.”

But it’s not just the pharmacy that will be in US negotiators’ sights. The
supermarket aisles could also become a battle ground, as consumers defend
their right to know whether or not that can contains genetically modified
corn. The United States Trade Representative’s 2008 National Trade Estimate
Report notes the US has “raised concerns” about New Zealand’s biotechnology
regulations, which include tight controls on growing GM crops. Our mandatory
labelling for GM foods is, apparently, “extremely burdensome”. In Australia,
US negotiators tried to outlaw GM labelling, but consumers again won out,
Ranald says.

Also under pressure will be rules to protect New Zealand land and businesses
from mass overseas buy-ups. Worst case scenario, your kids’ favourite
lakeside picnic spot could suddenly house a rich American’s condo. As part
of its trade deal, Australia catapulted its foreign investment screening
threshold from A$50 million to $800 million, exempting almost nine out of
ten US investment deals.

Campaign Against Foreign Control of Aotearoa spokesman Murray Horton says
New Zealand’s Overseas Investment Office already has a record of
rubber-stamping foreign investment. But any easing of screening rules could
limit the government’s ability to continue protecting sensitive areas like
lake- and sea-shores and spawn a free-for-all on irreplaceable fish quota,
Horton says.

The risk of losing access to the land that’s so much a part of who we are is
obviously not lost on the government, which in October bought the stunning
St James station near Hanmer, for fear it would be snapped up by an offshore
buyer and lost to Kiwi trampers and holidayers.

Ranald says Australia ran into trouble with its relaxed investment rules in
2006, when the Federal Government attempted to still community disquiet at
the privatisation of the Snowy Mountains hydro-electric scheme by capping
international investment at 35 per cent and anchoring the scheme’s
management in Australia. But the Prime Minister hurriedly pulled the sale,
reportedly after a legal opinion warned the measures could breach AUSFTA’s
rules preventing discrimination against overseas investors.

Another US target for concessions is intellectual property which sounds,
well, purely intellectual. It’s not – any changes to intellectual property
laws would have practical ramifications for the average Kiwi.

The so-called “Mickey-Mouse” provision (driven by Disney’s desire to milk
more from the soon-to-expire copyright for the world’s most famous rodent)
saw Australia extend its copyright period from 50 to 70 years after the
death of the creator. New Zealand copyright and library expert Tony Millett
says a copyright extension is unnecessary, especially as part of a free
trade deal, and would limit libraries’ abilities to make old books more
accessible by producing digital copies that can be easily searched and
posted on the internet.

New Zealand’s decision to allow parallel imports of cheaper big-brand goods
like designer sunnies, cameras and perfume – seen as a threat to
copyright-holders and opposed by the United States – is also likely to draw
fire. Any tightening of those laws would be a nightmare for shopaholics.

But perhaps the benefits justify the potential costs?

There’s no doubt quotas (limits on the amount of goods you can export) and
tariffs seriously restrict New Zealand producers’ access to a wealthy middle
class market – already our second biggest export destination.

New Zealand sold $685 million of beef to the US in year to June but, whacked
with 26 per cent tariffs on any produce over the 213,402 tonne quota, $10
million disappeared in tariffs. We also exported $890 million of dairy
products. Again, there are hefty charges for sales over quota limits – a
paltry 22,500 tonnes in the case of cheese.

Who wouldn’t want to make it easier for New Zealand farmers to get their
meat and cheese trussed between American burger buns, and for classic Kiwi
brands like Swanndri and Macpac to make a buck in the United States? Not to
mention Kiwi companies being able to bid for lucrative US government
contracts.

Especially if it will bring in the promised $1 billion extra a year. That
figure, quoted by Clark, comes from a 2002 report designed to promote the
deal to the United States.

Scollay, who co-wrote the report, says the estimate was based on removal of
all tariffs affecting New Zealand exports, and didn’t take into account any
phase-in period (18 years in Australia’s case). While he still thinks that’s
achievable, both countries have since signed trade deals with other
countries and the numbers will have changed.

“I would not attach great weight to the precise numbers, but much more on
whether the indicated effects are positive or negative, large or small.”
Nonetheless, he believes New Zealand still has a lot to gain from a deal.

As the world’s largest dairy exporter, Fonterra should be ecstatic at the
prospect of easier and cheaper access to one of its biggest markets. But
it’s far more cautious in its optimism.

“The degree of increased exports would depend on the outcome of
negotiations. But the P4 initiative should also provide significant
opportunities for US dairy exporters to increase exports into the
Asia-Pacific region,” a statement said.

The devil, says Lincoln University Agribusiness and Economics Research Unit
director Caroline Saunders, will be in the detail. While there’s big
potential for dairy, and for companies coveting lucrative US government
contracts, the size of the bonanza hinges on New Zealand’s ability to
silence powerful US lobby groups.

Even the NZ-US Council warns US dairy industry opposition is inevitable.
“Unlike with Australia, the administration is not able to point to New
Zealand’s status as an ally to overcome this opposition.”

Nowhere has the detail devil been more evident than in Australia. Despite
repeated promises by Trade Minister Mark Vaile that there’d be no deal
unless it included all trade sectors, AUSFTA excluded the sugar industry
altogether. Though Australian canegrowers produce around 4.75 million tonnes
of sugar a year, they’re allowed to export just two tankerloads to the
United States. And beef exporters have to wait 18 years to reap the full
benefits of the deal.

Meanwhile the US got “the most significant immediate reduction of industrial
tariffs ever achieved in a US free trade agreement” and immediate duty-free
access for all its agricultural exports.

In the year following the deal, the value of America’s exports to Australia
rose by US$1.6 billion, while Aussie exports to the US fell about $200
million. That prompted the US Trade Representative to crow “Free trade
agreements are working for America”. A 2005 survey by think tank the Lowy
Institute found just over a third of Australians thought the AUSFTA was a
good deal. Almost as many thought the nation had been shafted.

As former World Bank chief economist Joseph Stiglitz warned earlier this
year, “Most of these free trade agreements are not good deals. They’re
managed trade agreements and they’re mostly managed for the advantage of the
United States, which has the bulk of the negotiating power. One can’t think
that New Zealand would ever get anything that it cares about.”

Dairy Australia trade and strategy general manager Chris Phillips says,
quite simply, “We don’t have free trade with the US with dairy. That was
never on their agenda. What we do have is meaningful improvements.”

The US dairy lobby fought tooth and nail to exclude dairy, and even when
negotiators thought they had the terms sewn up, election year came around
and suddenly “all bets were off”, Phillips says.

Up till the deal the industry sold about 7000 tonnes of cheese into the US,
and that was about it. In the end, AUSFTA bought them immediate access for
previously-excluded products like milk powders, cream, ice cream and
specialty cheeses. But they’re still constrained by quotas.

When negotiations started the US was an upper crust market, paying top
dollar. But drought and rocketing dairy prices elsewhere, particularly Asia,
means many Australian dairy farmers won’t even use their full quota this
year. But Phillips still thinks the deal was worth it, if only to open the
door to a stable long-term market.
 
Swanndri chief executive Gerard Kilpatrick is excited by the idea of seeing
more Yanks sporting his farmer-favourite shirts. There’s plenty of demand
for the classic Kiwi bush-shirt, complete with pioneer story and feel-good
image of woolly high-country merinos. “We do export into the US but there
are quite prohibitive trade barriers on wool products.”
 
But, as one of a string of Kiwi brands who’ve moved manufacturing offshore -
Macpac, Skellerup, Icebreaker – he’s likely to get a rude surprise as
details are agreed. The Australian agreement includes complex calculations
to decide if goods qualify for preferential treatment. Anything manufactured
offshore is out, even if made from Australian raw materials. And even if
it’s made in Oz, if there’s too much offshore input – such as Asian yarn in
textiles – it still might not qualify.
 
“It’s appalling,” says Council of Textile & Fashion Industries of Australia
executive director Jo Kellock. Her members have made no inroads into US
markets since the AUSFTA deal. “It’s a very sore point here.”
 
But Trade Minister Phil Goff is bullish. He concedes the AUSFTA was “not
ideal, or close to ideal” for Australia, but is confident ours will be “a
far higher quality agreement”.

He argues the multi-party format will work in our favour, as the US is
desperate to get a strategic foothold in the Asia-Pacific region. The
probable addition of Australia, Peru and emerging market Vietnam will add
further weight to the negotiations.
 
As well as major exports dairy and beef, Goff expects opening up of US
government contracts, such as up to $14 billion worth of construction and
service contracts involved with shifting the marines to Guam, to be a boon
for New Zealand companies. Despite New Zealand’s decision not to sign up to
the international agreement on government procurement because the
disadvantages outweighed the advantages, he’s confident that’s not the case
with the US.

He acknowledges that things like parallel importing, foreign investment
rules and Pharmac’s practices will be a focus for US negotiators, and New
Zealand will have to show some flexibility.

However, he’s promising to “staunchly defend” cheap medicines and to find a
balance between consumer rights (parallel importing) and the rights of
patent or copyright-holders.

“We don’t sign up to anything that would leave New Zealand no better off, or
worse off. Our intent is that we’ll get far more advantages than any
concessions we have to make.”

If he’s right, great. But just in case, we should take Ken Harvey’s sound
advice: “Be warned. Be very wary of apparently cosmetic changes, they can
actually open up down the track into something more significant.”
 
CAFCA
Campaign Against Foreign Control of Aotearoa
Box 2258, Christchurch, New Zealand
cafca@chch.planet.org.nz

www.cafca.org.nz

For those in Christchurch on Election Night the Alliance Party with the
Workers Party will have a joint Election get together.

The Venue is the WEA on Gloucester Street from 7.30pm

BYO Alcohol
Provided – Fruit juice, tea, coffee, savouries.

All Alliance members/supporters and their partners and friends are welcome